The emigration of both of their sons abroad and
their partnering with foreigners were developments our parents had not foreseen,
not even conceived. In fact, they were surprised and saddened by these
transformations of the family fabric. For both parents, like many others of
their class and generation, having rarely ventured outside the borders of our small
and of minor importance country and for no more than a few days holidays, for their
offspring to embark on a better life and settle away from their birth place was
inconceivable. That despite admittedly striking flaws with both the country and
its society, that is, the dominant culture and social mentality and mindset. Interestingly,
those defects were pointed out and, on occasions, vehemently criticised by our
parents themselves, contrary to the strongly held view that ‘all is well’ around
us.
The prevailing view
made more sense to them, however, despite obvious contradictions with reality. The
attitude of ‘priests blessing their own beards’ -as the Greek saying goes, that
is, an effort by oneself to justify to conscience one’s existence and way of life
is understandable. Otherwise, one would be inclined to admit, introspectively
and retrospectively, that one’s life has been unfortunate, which, in turn, would
lead to denouements often drowned in resentment, bitterness, and regrets from several
unanswered ‘what ifs.’ After all, everyone's philosophy reflects -to an extent-
an adopted lifestyle, and everyone, once maturity is reached, leads a way life that
that is disposed to advise on and even preach to others. On many occasions, although
our parents reacted to our decisions at each of life’s major cross-roads in such
a manner that pushed us further away from their small world and alienated us
from an inertial national culture and heritage, they maintained the pretences
of respecting the autonomy we strived to gain in adulthood, our self-acting and
initiative, and they could hesitantly acknowledge that there might have been
alternative paths potentially offering in some respects a better ‘quality of life’
than the one they themselves, consciously or, most likely, unconsciously
pursued. Eventually, they reluctantly accepted that a different family status
quo that was taking shape than they had envisaged, despite initial objections
and their deep-rooted, rigid perceptions of life. Besides, there was not much
they could do, as they were aging, to hinder their relatively intelligent offspring
and divert them from the life journey they decided to embark. Their two sons had
spread their wings, and flown away on a way of no return.
Other than some property
and social traditions passed down from previous generations, the parents and the
family that we left behind on our way to foreign lands walked the well-trodden
path of the petty-bourgeoisie and civil servant classes they belonged to –their
fate and curse. These particular classes in Greece, with a double steady
incomes and state benefits, and possibly the land and property they inherited
from previous generations, distinguish themselves by their banal objectives and
trivial ambitions in life: the purchase of a second and sometimes third home ‘for
the children’ and (who knows?) their expanded families, a holiday home in the Chalkidiki
peninsula, the ever so popular summer destination of Thessalonians following
the frenzy amongst the aristocracy of the city and parvenus displaying a newly
acquired prosperity; the continuous process of furnishing, re-furnishing, and meaningless
‘chop and change’ of expanding property portfolios, savings for a ‘rainy day’,
which, however, rarely comes to civil servants, with their jobs for life, who collect
a salary and then a generous state pension uninterruptedly until death, or
stashing money for the ‘old age’ and its diseases, which seems like a rather
self-defeating aim.
Mother became, thus, the
housekeeper of two or three different homes, and the guardian of the petty
interests and the daily well-being of family life. In tandem, she nurtured a
growing suspicion towards the world, outside an innermost circle of relatives
and close friends, which was apparently eying, at every opportunity, to take
advantage and cause harm -materially and financially. Father was the arrogant ‘czar’
managing the family’s financial micro-affairs: one of many stereotypes he was
harbouring was that women were incapable of dealing with money affairs, let
alone investments, in as much as their brains are not made to adapt to new
technologies. Such tendencies and pursuits, amongst others, describe what I
believe is a Greece, generation-specific petty-bourgeoisie mentality. It has
been solidified further in the post-dictatorship years by the defects of a country
heavily dependent on foreign economic centres, sustaining itself οn the margins of an industrialised
Europe, a country which always struggled to adapt to technological innovations,
and always with a hysteresis for that matter, with marginal participation in
the ‘division of labour’ of the global capitalistic system, a country that produces
neither significant material wealth, nor, in the decades of its
transition to western type democracy, presented a notable creativity and
innovative spirit of a global reach in both the sciences and the arts. That
established social mindset I made great efforts to eradicate from my way of
thinking and acting, being aware of its essence and the dead ends that it could
have led me to.
Sometimes, meanness
and malice, and rejoicing at the misfortunes of others, a schadenfreude
in a word, characterized Mother's behaviour in many of her interactions with
the outside world and, particularly, with people she a priori disliked, despite
a feignedly polite demeanour she always publicly exercised. She treated with
suspicion and a generally negative predisposition strangers and people who found
themselves either permanently or temporarily outside a well delimited circle of
close, loved ones. Even those intimately close to her, like her sisters, were occasionally,
privately and in absentia, targeted with derogative remarks and even bitterness,
usually within the context of arduous gossiping with others from the same group.
This behaviour and generally private criticisms of Mother towards individuals
and social groups, regardless of any traces of objectivity or prejudices we all
harbour, helped me understand some of the contradictions (or latent or side-struggles
and conflict) that had been taking root within Greek society since its
transition to democracy in the ‘70s, and are still evident today.
Because Greece’s
economy lacked sound productive industrial foundations, intra-society and -class
conflicts have not directly reflected the fundamental contradiction inherent in
capitalistic production since the industrial revolution, namely, between
capital and labour, but they are rather by-products of a dependent economy with
significant parasitic elements born out of its unorthodox development. On the
contrary, from the experience of coming of age and studying, I learned that
Greek society and its political superstructure have been shaped by struggles and
conflicts amongst various layers of a largely counterproductive middle-class,
fragmented into guilds and groups of well-guarded individual interests, acting
insularly from the rest of the society and with disregard to broader social
concerns. With two large groups roughly within the same income and wealth
percentiles, claiming their share in the limited material wealth of the nation:
the legions of civil servants, employees of state-sponsored enterprises, and
central government bureaucrats and state affiliates, on the one hand, and all
kinds of self-employed freelancers, small businessmen, dealers, rentiers, etc.
on the other. The former group shifts the blame for the country’s deficits, its
own class -barring a privileged elite- relative income poverty, and the poor
public services offered by the State on the widespread tax evasion of the
latter, while the other group derides the state and its services for over-centralisation
and bureaucracy, for parasitism and corruption, as the main hindrance to the
latter’s apparently more ‘productive’ and entrepreneurial activities, a hubris
to its diligence and work ethos. Both operate relatively tightly within the
narrow confines of their guilds and organisations, defending their petty
interests, blind to the interests of the wider society and unwilling to compromise
a stake of their own share for the sake of the whole. It is left to one or two visionless
governing parties of our bourgeois democracy to moderate such conflicts with haphazard
and hit-and-miss policies. However, administration of the state affairs and
governance by the political class, with the makeshift reforms it introduces now
and then are bound to be ineffective and deficient, merely because this class
either originates from or is intertwined with the parochial groups of the
middle-class whose votes is elected from. The political class that is supposed
to monitor social class struggles aiming at temporary respites and reconciliations,
instead, it is focused mainly to sustain and perpetuates itself, for the sake
of votes and conserving its main attributes, like privilege, nepotism, and cronyism,
which in turn warrant its self-preservation in power.
We also learned from our families that "everyone should look after his own interests" or ‘himself’ or
his ‘own party’ -as the general Greek public would say. The only notion that unites
these diverse and divergent substrata of the ‘people’ or, better, of the
populus and fragmented middle-class, is a sterile nationalism against fictitious
or manufactured enemies, a skewed and in many cases unsubstantiated and even falsified
historical narrative, a pre-election populism that brings individuals with
conflicting interests once every few years under the same political party
umbrella and on nebulous or unrealistic or simply false premises, that satisfy their
passive audience temporarily, until many are changed or forgotten, whilst in the
background its main actors provide the necessary reassurances to ‘allies’ and foreign
patrons. Above all, a political class, which was able to sustain its populist
policies with excessive borrowing until the debt crisis of 2009, and which,
when, cornered between policies that kept it in power and the spectre of
bankruptcy, barely managed to survive amidst the economic ruins with conditional
bailouts -until the next crisis, that is.
At the end, I resented
my petty-bourgeoisie roots and the mindset of the class which I was born into. No
matter, I am still formally part of this class on a marginally elevated stratum
and somehow feel bound by some of its prosaic ‘aspirations’, albeit detached
from the mainstream norms. Daily contradictions that are recognized and
expressed by some of those unconsciously trapped within the invisible shells of
their class, in schools and universities, in the army, at work, in shops and
services, in parents’ advices, all these contradictions daily life presents, I
could not unravel and reconcile, let alone accept consciously and live a life
riding on their waves. The future could not wait. The place that gave birth to
me was shrinking before my eyes, the distance from my children years under the
family roof was growing. I threw a black stone behind, as the Greek
saying goes, despite the emotional threads that connect me with hometown and
family and which often drew me back -and still does, like an invisible magnet, thanks
to a nostalgia grown on ingrained memories of childhood and youth, some of them
unforgettably beautiful. But I struggled to change my culture and the mindset I
inherited, to reshape it and move on in life with a somehow different
perspective. To a certain extent I succeeded. In the end, I felt I might have been
partly vindicated as, for good chunks of my lifetime, conscience has been in
accord with praxis – or so I do think.